strategy

The aim of the project was to empower CSOs to promote democracy in Mexico through real and effective civic engagement, the exercise of human rights, and support for political dialogue. The project also sought to encourage the active participation of youth and women in local democracy- and citizenship-building activities to improve their ability to influence policy and impact local governance. The project offered a framework for improving the exercise of citizenship and mobilizing key civil society stakeholders, who realized the role they could play in devising, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating public policies. The training and citizen networking initiatives to increase participation and influence in the public sphere, the preparation of thematic agendas, and the drafting of legislative proposals were important models for democratic practices in a society characterized by civic passivity in the last 10 years. The project beneficiaries as a group were willing to get more directly involved in public affairs and the project has provided them with the tools and publications they need.. However, better links between and organization of the CSOs needs to take place to improve their ability to act in the social and political sphere.

The project was timed to coincide with UN processes related to follow-up of the outcome document of the Third UN Conference on the Least Developed Countries (LDC-III) in Brussels in 2001, known as the Brussels Programme of Action (BPoA) and preparations for the Fourth UN Conference on the LDCs (LDC-IV) held in Istanbul in May 2011. The project aimed to build the capacity of civil society organizations in Least Developed Countries to mobilize and consolidate their energy, expertise and commitment to achieving quality inputs to the Comprehensive Review Summit in 2010, and strengthening democratic decision making in international development processes. It had three intended outcomes: Enhanced capacity of CSOs and CBOs; Increased awareness and coverage of LDC issues; Progress and setbacks on MDGs and BPoA reviewed. The project aimed to undertake activities in 20 countries: 13 in Africa, 2 in South Asia, 2 in South-East Asia and 3 in Pacific Island Countries (PICs). However planned activities changed throughout the project.

The project sought to strengthen the collective voice and action of civil society in the Mexican states of Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. The focus was on increasing the ability of local CSOs and women, indigenous groups and youth to demand equitable and quality public education and healthcare services through strengthening the ability of CSOs to train, inform, and raise awareness of these rights, and giving opportunities for them to advocate for these services as a basic human right. The use of local level CSOs was an effective approach to implement community-based activities, but the lack of an integrated programme between the states and national level limited its usefulness and potential impact. The use of a diagnostic to develop training and an agenda for action was a good technique, but required more focus on issues of voice and civic participation which were the main objectives of the project. The project strengthened advocacy efforts for more equitable health and education services in its targeted areas in Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. In particular, it increased individual knowledge, capacity and leadership among participating CSOs and community members. However, the extent of results is unknown due to the lack of outcome data. Changes are likely to be sustainable at the level of personal empowerment and relationships built with some public officials and the agenda provides CSOs with some of the key health and education issues to raise with officials in the future.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

The project had two primary audiences: Roma women’s NGOs and young Roma women activists. There were three additional audiences: local government officials; young people, Roma and non-Roma; and, officials of Roma political parties. This focus sought to address in a practical way the weakness of Roma civil society organizations, and particularly those led by, and working for, Roma women, in undertaking advocacy on behalf of their own people. The grantee accomplished a great deal with the small amount of funds provided. It built on the strategic plan developed for 2008-2010, and its earlier project “Implementation of CEDAW for Romani Women”, as well as follow-up initiatives (2005-2008). Through an extremely careful allocation of funds to different areas of activity, the organization was able to undertake a long list of activities and, thus, achieve its own objective. Yet, from an external perspective, it is apparent that there were insufficient funds for some activities, where follow-up was badly needed.

The project aimed strengthened the capacity of the Somali media to implement principles and practices of democracy and respect for human rights by providing professional training to Somali journalists across the country, focusing on ethics and good journalistic practices, and holding workshops on good governance and human rights. The use of training sessions and workshops was appropriate to address the issue of journalists’ skills development. Creation of a media centre was also useful in helping journalists to do their work. However, the project's planned activities were not sufficient to address all its objectives. The number of participating journalists was on target, as was the ratio of women participants (30%). This is a very significant achievement, considering the prevalence of armed violence and high levels of political instability in many parts of Somalia during the project period. Significantly, the project benefited about half of Somalia’s journalists. On the other hand, the failure to address other stakeholders - government, editors, and publishers - reduced the likelihood of positive changes. However, the very fact that the project took place has to be seen as an achievement in its own right.

Aiming to contribute to the emergence of responsible and aware citizens in four of Senegal’s regions, the project provided information on human rights and democracy in the country’s most common languages - Wolof and Pulaar. The project also aimed to ensure citizens access to legal and administrative texts through local document libraries; and trained local resource persons to be involved in the establishment of democracy and human rights monitoring centres. The project responded to clearly existing information gaps and its relevance was enhanced by the fact that it sought to build the capacity of local officials and leaders to implement decentralization policies and other decision-making processes. It is a matter of concern, however, that the project did not include any lobbying component targeting the government itself, to address the language issue at policy level, which was the principal root cause for lack of relevant legal and administrative documentation.

The project aimed strengthened the capacity of the Somali media to implement principles and practices of democracy and respect for human rights by providing professional training to Somali journalists across the country, focusing on ethics and good journalistic practices, and holding workshops on good governance and human rights. The use of training sessions and workshops was appropriate to address the issue of journalists’ skills development. Creation of a media centre was also useful in helping journalists to do their work. However, the project's planned activities were not sufficient to address all its objectives. The number of participating journalists was on target, as was the ratio of women participants (30%). This is a very significant achievement, considering the prevalence of armed violence and high levels of political instability in many parts of Somalia during the project period. Significantly, the project benefited about half of Somalia’s journalists. On the other hand, the failure to address other stakeholders - government, editors, and publishers - reduced the likelihood of positive changes. However, the very fact that the project took place has to be seen as an achievement in its own right.

The project aimed to build capacity of local media in Sierra Leone to facilitate a national dialogue among civil society, government and citizens. It targeted primary beneficiaries that included: journalists from radio and print media who were awarded fellowships and trained in investigative journalism through production and publishing human right stories; NGO grantees; and local communities targeted through forums and workshops to increase public knowledge on the role of the media in human rights protection and promotion. The project responded to a need for improved democratic dialogue, and correctly identified the need for enhanced democratic debate as a precondition for entrenching democratic values and policies in post-war Sierra Leone. It also correctly identified the media as a key player, both as a space to “host” that debate and as a provider of substantive information. However the project's relevance was reduced by its failure formally to engage with editors/publishers and with relevant high-level institutional actors. The project document lacked a complete analysis of the stakeholders, their respective needs and the various messages that should be addressed to them. Nevertheless, the project contributed to establishing a critical mass of journalists aware of human rights reporting and of the challenges of balanced political reporting.