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The Democracy Academy for Young Adults (DAY) is a project that contributes to the strengthening and the promotion ofe democracy through the formation and active participation of young leaders in spaces of dialogue, social control, and defense of the democratic system with civil society and key political actors. The digital platforms used are essential to deepen and expand the exercise of democratic practices in this time of technological revolution.

The project aims to advance dialogue among CSOs, political parties, academics and trade unions in the context of the adoption of the Sustainable Development Goals. In order to achieve this, the projects plans to establish a permanent Arab Forum that will serve as a platform for raising awareness, enhancing engagement, producing publications and e-tools, and building the capacity of various stakeholders in monitoring the implementation of the new Sustainable Development Agenda.

The project’s overall development goal was to “increase the civic and democratic participation of young people in the Arab region”. The specific objective was to “empower young leaders in the Arab region to play a bigger role in civic and democratic life”. The project sought to empower young leaders in five countries in the Arab region - Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, and the United Arab Emirates. The project approach was based on the observation that while youth played a key role in the Arab uprisings; they continued to find themselves with limited empowerment or support to take control of their lives and futures. While the intervention rationale is broadly accurate, the project document did not include substantive contextual background for each targeted country and the project design lacked context analysis for each country. There also did not seem to be any involvement from project stakeholders and beneficiaries in the formulation and design of the project. Given the lack of contextual understanding, the project’s intervention rationale and the process for implementation also lacked essential elements to make the project relevant to the needs of the beneficiaries at the local and national levels.  

The project sought to expand the space for informed public dialogue on human rights issues in Jordan and contribute to building a stronger public culture of respect for human rights. The developed a training manual on how to use data-driven journalism to cover human rights issues and trained a group of journalists to apply these skills in their daily work. The project also aimed to foster a more informed public dialogue on human rights issues through the production of high quality journalism and radio programmes that actively informed and engaged the public on human rights topics. The project also leveraged of new technology tools to provide media with more factual information to produce human rights-oriented stories. The exceeded its targets including the training of 11 senior journalists and 69 students/junior journalists on the use of data-driven journalism and publishing 52 in-depth stories as well as broadcasting 12 radio shows. The project helped consolidate a community of journalists highly engaged in covering human rights-related issues. It also helped in setting higher standards for reporting, encouraging other journalists to adopt similar methodologies and widen the use of data-driven and evidence-based journalism. As such, the project contributed to building a public culture of respect for human rights in Jordan, with a focus on freedom of expression and gender equality.

The project sought combat corruption – one of the major barriers to effective governance in Moldova - by strengthening civil society and enabling it to become an active participant in shaping of public policy on the subject. At the core of the project was building the capacity and reach of the previously established Anti-Corruption Alliance and related civil society organizations. Through intensive training, ongoing coaching and financial assistance with small sub-projects, the project also offered valuable support in building the knowledge and practical skills of smaller NGOs, both members and non-members, in the anti-corruption field.

The project sought combat corruption – one of the major barriers to effective governance in Moldova - by strengthening civil society and enabling it to become an active participant in shaping of public policy on the subject. At the core of the project was building the capacity and reach of the previously established Anti-Corruption Alliance and related civil society organizations. Through intensive training, ongoing coaching and financial assistance with small sub-projects, the project also offered valuable support in building the knowledge and practical skills of smaller NGOs, both members and non-members, in the anti-corruption field.

The overall goal of the project was to improve governance in Papua, Indonesia. Specifically, it focused on developing and implementing a practical strategy to build a forum for civil society organizations where civil society could develop skills in social accountability and promote accountability and transparency of the provincial and city governments. Given the deep suspicion of civil society on the part of government in Papua, the intention of the project was to establish the CSO Forum as a legitimate body in the eyes of both decision-makers and the public. Training was provided to all stakeholders – including government officials and a series of dialogue sessions was also organized. However, gaps in the initial baseline analysis and stakeholder consultations, along with a decision to implement the project without a local partner, reduced the project’s relevance to the Papuan context and the needs of beneficiaries. Eight visits to Papua over a two-year period by members of the Jakarta-based project team limited opportunities for contact between the visiting team and beneficiaries, and a lack of continuity across activities restricted what the project was able to accomplish.

The project sought to enhance the capacities of Ukrainian NGOs and citizens to influence political processes by providing citizens with tools to monitor and evaluate the work of their elected officials and to advocate for needed change. Its intended outcomes were to: increase NGO activism in engaging citizens to undertake citizen monitoring and advocacy activities; increase access to information for citizens about their local representatives and electoral officials; and increase civil society demand for more accountability from their local representatives and elected officials in eight targeted regions. The main tool used by the project to achieve these outcomes was a dedicated website. However this was under-developed in the design and during implementation. The assumption that these websites alone could result in more responsive party lists or more accountable deputies was unrealistic .The impact of this project is difficult to assess as it did not collect outcome information.. The limited use of the site and its lack of links to activities in the sector reduced its potential for impact but from the anecdotal information gathered, it seems that on a limited scale, this project resulted in an increased awareness among some deputies that their activities were being watched and that information on their work could get out to the public through NGOs and websites such as these.

The project was timed to coincide with UN processes related to follow-up of the outcome document of the Third UN Conference on the Least Developed Countries (LDC-III) in Brussels in 2001, known as the Brussels Programme of Action (BPoA) and preparations for the Fourth UN Conference on the LDCs (LDC-IV) held in Istanbul in May 2011. The project aimed to build the capacity of civil society organizations in Least Developed Countries to mobilize and consolidate their energy, expertise and commitment to achieving quality inputs to the Comprehensive Review Summit in 2010, and strengthening democratic decision making in international development processes. It had three intended outcomes: Enhanced capacity of CSOs and CBOs; Increased awareness and coverage of LDC issues; Progress and setbacks on MDGs and BPoA reviewed. The project aimed to undertake activities in 20 countries: 13 in Africa, 2 in South Asia, 2 in South-East Asia and 3 in Pacific Island Countries (PICs). However planned activities changed throughout the project.

The project “Assessing Democracy Assistance” was implemented by Fundación para las relaciones internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) from 1 October 2009 to 30 September 2011. The project’s goals were to provide the first comprehensive assessment of global democracy assistance efforts based on the views and perceptions of local stakeholders and to ensure, through systematic dissemination and consultation among policy makers, opinion leaders, media and local stakeholders, the findings’ impact on future policy design. Whether the project succeeded in strengthening international commitment to democracy assistance and strengthening the quality of development assistance by improving the alignment between the supply and demand sides is difficult to judge, especially for a small, short-term intervention. However, evidence has been found that project results were broadly disseminated and cited among academics and practitioners worldwide. While the project did not provide capacity building and institution strengthening in the traditional sense, it did promote activities of a number of relatively young researchers, contributing to rejuvenating and strengthening the democracy community.