outputs

The project goal is to empower 6,000 women by raising awareness of their gender specific rights, promoting women’s political participation, and addressing all forms of injustices that affect women’s wellbeing; strengthen the capacity of 100 unregistered women’s groups to become registered under the NGOs Act 2016; and support 100 registered women’s groups in advocating, promoting and protecting civic space in Uganda. Project activities will incorporate actions in response to the Covid-19 crisis, as it impacts women, including gender-based violence as well as social and economic pressures.

The Democracy Academy for Young Adults (DAY) is a project that contributes to the strengthening and the promotion ofe democracy through the formation and active participation of young leaders in spaces of dialogue, social control, and defense of the democratic system with civil society and key political actors. The digital platforms used are essential to deepen and expand the exercise of democratic practices in this time of technological revolution.

The project aims to contribute to strategies regarding the sustainable management of natural water resources in the Ararat Valley through enhancement of women’s groups that supply oversight and equity in community water and sanitation resources. Three groups will be interlinked in their actions to facilitate discussion on tariff compensation; monitor the participation of oversight activities on irrigation; and implement four pilot projects at the community level. Pilot projects will identify community-based participatory approaches to decision-making involving women to improve access and management of water resources.

The project “Strengthening Democracy through Freedom of Expression and a Peace Agenda for Journalists in a post-conflict Colombia” was implemented by the Foundation for the Freedom of the Press (Fundación para la Libertad de Prensa, FLIP) from 1 December 2014 to 30 November 2016. The overall development goal of the project was to create an agenda where the right to freedom of expression can be fully realized and to build a strong media network that can advocate in a post-conflict Colombia without retaliation or restriction. The project coincided with the culmination of the peace negotiations in Havana between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC), with the Final Peace Agreement ratified in November 2016.  The project had three outcomes: increased participation of Colombian journalists and civil society in an open, plural and democratic debate about the challenges and the role of media in a post-conflict peace time Colombia;increased awareness among the Government, FARC and civil society of the impact conflict has had on the media’s ability to exercise the freedom of expression; and increased understanding among journalists in conflict zones on thematic areas related to their work.  The project aimed at reaching the following two main groups of beneficiaries: journalists operating in conflict areas2 who would be actively engaged in the process of developing an Agenda for the Freedom of the Press and Peace; and other journalists with online access (through FLIP’s website) to documented resources/tools

The objective of the project was to enhance trust-building and cooperation among local government, nongovernmental organizations and extractive industries in Indonesia, by strengthening the capacity and credibility of NGOs as partners in corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs. The focus was on improving the ability of local NGOs to forge permanent partnerships with companies and local governments in CSR policy design and implementation. The project was relevant, given the legal and fiscal requirements governing CSR, the degree of poverty in extractive areas, the lack of enforcement of CSR policies, and the lack of attention paid to civil society engagement and NGO involvement as direct benefits of CSR policies. However, the project risks and problems in terms of corporate and local government commitment were neither adequately identified nor addressed during the design and implementation phase.

The project general objective was to support the development of good governance in Myanmar through civic education and building advocacy skills of civil society. Activities included civic education trainings and township level meetings to support good governance; organization of core leader meetings; training in how to write policy papers to strengthen policy advocacy; and the creation of a website for civil society to exchange experience and knowledge. All quantifiable targets were reached or surpassed, and the participants interviewed spoke highly of the training. The project implementation team overcame significant bureaucratic and logistical obstacles, as well as difficult operating conditions. The project appears to have had a great deal of positive 'knock-on effects’. Although the training program attracted a large number of participants, participation was dictated by informal networks and affinities. The township-level forum did not succeed in soliciting initiatives and brainstorming on regional/local issues. Likewise, the policy papers exhibited significant weaknesses in particular a lack of readers. The website was also not used as an effective tool for knowledge and information sharing by any of the participants interviewed.

The project general objective was to support the development of good governance in Myanmar through civic education and building advocacy skills of civil society. Activities included civic education trainings and township level meetings to support good governance; organization of core leader meetings; training in how to write policy papers to strengthen policy advocacy; and the creation of a website for civil society to exchange experience and knowledge. All quantifiable targets were reached or surpassed, and the participants interviewed spoke highly of the training. The project implementation team overcame significant bureaucratic and logistical obstacles, as well as difficult operating conditions. The project appears to have had a great deal of positive 'knock-on effects’. Although the training program attracted a large number of participants, participation was dictated by informal networks and affinities. The township-level forum did not succeed in soliciting initiatives and brainstorming on regional/local issues. Likewise, the policy papers exhibited significant weaknesses in particular a lack of readers. The website was also not used as an effective tool for knowledge and information sharing by any of the participants interviewed.

The project sought to strengthen policy processes in eight countries -- Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – by improving the capability of independent civil society organizations to engage in policy debates. Activities included two training workshops, two regional networking conferences, and supervised research during the course of which eight policy fellows produced research papers. The project promoted sharing of experiences among CSOs operating in often isolated and difficult settings. The project also allowed NGOs to benefit from the experience of NGOs in countries such as the Baltics and countries in Eastern Europe where CSOs were a positive force for democratic development.

At the time the project began, the process of ratifying the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance, adopted by the African Union in January 2007, was moribund and there was no international project activity to invigorate it. The objective of the project was to strengthen civil society actors to build a constituency for the signing and ratification of the Charter. At the time the project was proposed, 15 ratifications were needed to bring the Charter into force, two countries (Ethiopia and Mauritania) had ratified the Charter and twenty-five had signed it, thus indicating their intention to ratify. Assessing the impact of the project was not easy. The intended direct beneficiaries were members of the African democracy community, whose network and ability to advocate for the Charter were strengthened. It is not possible, based on the timetable of ratifications and project activities, to convincingly demonstrate that the project greatly accelerated the coming into force of the Charter. Only three countries in which activities were implemented actually ratified the Charter. The project objective was not ratification itself but rather strengthening the advocacy community and facilitating ratification yet achieving ratification in target countries was an implicit objective of the project Ultimately, the sustainability of the project activity will also be a function of political will. The project was born of policy elites, implemented by policy elites, delivered results of direct relevance only to policy elites, yet promises substantial benefits to all the people of Africa, who will benefit from democracy.

The project’s overall objective was to increase the effectiveness of procurement monitoring by non-state actors following the Public Procurement Act (PPA) 2007 in Nigeria. The project was built on a thorough analysis of the current situation regarding government procurement and mechanisms for monitoring and reporting on the process. The publication of two carefully researched annual assessment reports on the state of public procurement and stakeholder knowledge of PPA requirements proved effective for connecting public procurement and integrity in governance. The development of new tools for training of trainers in procurement monitoring and the training of 33 monitors were also valuable. Efforts to work closely with the legislature began well. However, the 2011 Parliamentary Elections brought about a wholesale change in the membership of both houses of the National Assembly. The leading champions of reform in regard to public procurement were defeated, and there was no longer an interest among elected members in working closely with PPDC, although a positive working relationship was established with the parliamentary secretariat.