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Working with women’s community-based organizations and municipal authorities the project aimed to enhance the social and economic rights of women in Niger by supporting Gender Responsive Budgeting. Integrating a gender perspective into all steps of the municipal budget process, the project focused on improving the capacity of women to advocate municipalities to shape local budgetary policies which consider their health, education and water sanitation concerns. The project’s strategy of working directly with women community based organization members and municipal officials brought activities closer to beneficiaries in the five targeted municipalities of Niger. This approach was highly relevant to women as a beneficiary group, which for most part, rarely has a voice in public affairs and limited access to political decision-making processes.

The overall objective of the project was to reinforce community dialogue and participatory democracy in the Western part of Cote d’Ivoire, with a view to enhancing social cohesion and the enhancement of democratic values at local level. To achieve this objective, the project had three outputs: Civil society organizations (CSOs) and the authorities are better equipped to use community support techniques; CSO’s providing support to communities on the management of conflicts; and enhanced involvement of local communities in development initiatives. The project was remarkably relevant, in that it correctly identified the lack of social cohesion as a major risk for conflict returning to the target areas. The project developed strategies and activities that specifically addressed the needs of the local communities and those of the CSOs working with them. However, the project design phase did not sufficiently involve the communities and CSOs, and the project should have involved more technical experts.

The project’s objective was to reinforce the political participation of former slaves, by promoting the equality of rights between former slaves (Harratines) and former masters (Bydhanes) in order to maintain inter-community peace in the region of Hoch El Gharbi, desert areas located in the South-East of Mauritania. The project was implemented in 40 villages including 120 Adwabas (isolated areas populated by former slaves), and focused on Harratines’ literacy, civic education, community capacity building and inter-community dialogue between them and the Bydhanes. Various factors that remained unaddressed limited the project’s relevance: including attitudes towards slavery and lack of engagement from authorities on this issue. In addition the Harratines do not have the operational and institutional capacity to represent their own interests in the political arena.

The project’s objective was to increase the number of rural women in Côte d’Ivoire participating in the democratic process, specifically in decision-making. In order to do this, the project set out to raise awareness among rural women of their political and civil rights; and increase the number of informed rural women able to participate in electoral processes either as candidates or as voters. The activities were designed to take into account the post-election crisis in Côte d’Ivoire, taking into account that women make up the largest proportion of the voting population. The decision to intervene in the western part of the country, which was particularly affected by the war and where women became victims of sexual and gender based violence allowed a more targeted response to the specific needs of the beneficiary populations.

The grantee hoped to empower Civil Society Organizations and community leaders in Lao PDR and, to give them the skills and knowledge to contribute meaningfully to the country’s development. The project involved training various levels of staff in Lao non-profit associations to ensure that they would be able to share the technical knowledge and practical skills needed to transform their organizations into professionally run civil society organizations. The long term goal of these interventions was to build the capacity of the non-profit associations so that were managed in a more business-oriented manner. The participants in the project were satisfied by the organization of project events. Many of them had never been involved in training that combined lectures with practical, hands-on activities.

The project aimed to develop the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) into a functional institution able to protect and enforce human rights in line with Ethiopian laws and international norms and standards. As the EHRC was a relatively young institution, the grantee did not only focus on the development of human rights protection skills, but prioritized in the project’s initial phase also the development of operational management capacity. The grantee could have adjusted the initial project plan to avoid overlap with activities already implemented under the Democratic Institutions Programme managed by UNDP. The relevance of the project was further limited by the grantee’s weak risk assessment and mitigation. The original design failed to appreciate the risks surrounding the project, most importantly the international grantee took permission to set up an office in Addis for granted which it then did not obtain. The project also appeared unprepared to address the challenging political environment in which the EHRC operated.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

In recent decades, virtually every African country has at some point considered modernizing voter registration technology. New ICT applications have been adopted in many African countries, particularly in post-conflict situations. The project was based on a sound strategy that clearly identified the institutional weaknesses in voter registration models. In selecting partner countries, geographic balance, a variety of political contexts, linguistic diversity, and different levels of technical knowledge were sought. The project’s aim was to generate knowledge and disseminate it among experts and institutional stakeholders. However, the link between knowledge, capacity, and the actual election process, which depends primarily on political will, was not explicitly established in the project design, nor was it incorporated as such in the project strategy. All project activities were successfully implemented and even delivered beyond expectations. The project management team developed a strong organizational and logistical support mechanism to guarantee smooth operation of the database and provided easy and immediate access to it. The project had a number of positive impacts, including ongoing in-depth discussions of voter registration reforms.

The project aimed to address the under representation of women in decision making positions in Jamaica, particularly on the boards of private companies and public commissions. The project did this by: increasing the participation of women through training and awareness building and increasing the participation of women in leadership in community based organizations, including school boards, also through training and awareness building. It also sought to create a national conversation on the need to open spaces for women to participate in decision making. There was also a separate women’s leadership research activity undertaken in Trinidad and Tobago. Although women comprise more than 70% of university graduates in Jamaica, only 13% of parliamentarians are women and only 16% of the board positions in the private sector are filled by women. The project believed that by training 100 women it could make a strategic infusion of talented and enthusiastic women into the boardrooms, and transform their gender dynamics. The project met its main objective of increasing the number of qualified women trained and available for service on public commissions and private sector boards. Some of these women were already high profile leaders and board members, but most were entry and mid-professional women with leadership potential that still remained to be tapped.

The project sought to support and empower grassroots Roma organizations in six countries in Central and Southern Europe to advocate for laws, policies and practices to combat racial discrimination, and to promote the application of international human rights standards concerning housing in national legislation. Working with Roma youth activists to lobby policy makers the grantee hoped to strengthen working relationships. A separate project component aimed to raise awareness among the Roma population of using legal means to challenge rights abuses. By focusing on the themes of anti-discrimination laws and housing and shelter rights, the project emphasized particular spheres where action was urgently required. Targeting Roma youth and young activists, the project sought to address in a practical way the weakness of Roma civil society organizations in undertaking advocacy on behalf of their own people. The litigation component finally was to demonstrate to the Roma people the viability of taking legal action as a means through which the state might be held accountable for its failure to uphold their rights.