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The project objective was to strengthen the citizenship and democratic skills of women. With virtually no access to civic information and limited opportunities for women to participate in political life including access to positions that involve decision-making, especially in rural areas, the grantee aimed to raise awareness among local authorities and strategic civil society organizations in Haiti, so they would become more engaged in promoting a culture that recognizes the role of women in society, fostering in women and men alike a new perspective on their political participation. The project was implemented in twenty rural communes, notably in very remote, virtually ignored sections of Haiti, which lacked basic, educational and health services. With regards to its objective, the project was fully aligned with current government priorities, and in the context of elections, it recognized the need for women to participate fully in the electoral process, as well as in political affairs and to become aware of their civil rights and rights as citizens.

The project aimed to enhance the capacity of civil society organizations at local level to influence the government budget and expenditure process, with particular emphasis on the social sector. The initiative took place in a governance environment where there is no tradition of using the budget as a means of holding the government accountable, at national or local levels, even in the Parliament. This project represents one component of the grantee’s broader effort to draw public and media attention to the importance of budget-making, while building the capacity of civil society to engage with government on budget matters, thus enhancing public accountability. The emphasis on the budget for the social sector was particularly relevant as a step towards drawing attention to, and seeking to improve, the situation of vulnerable and disadvantaged groups. Increasingly, the responsibility for administration of the social sector budget, including health and education, as well as social protection, rests with the municipalities. The selection of the Urban Councils and Women’s Assemblies as the focus for strengthening the role of civil society in monitoring the performance of municipal government was a relevant and appropriate choice, given the project objectives.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

The project sought to strengthen the electoral system and civic participation in Mongolia by raising the level of voter education and public awareness on democratic institutions and processes. Its main objectives were: to prepare a voter education high school curriculum; establish a network of volunteers able to train on voters rights issues; improve the skills of key officials involved with elections; and implement a public awareness campaign for voters for the elections in 2012. Its intended outcomes were to have its voter education curriculum adopted by the Ministry of Education as part of the national school curriculum; trained observers and officials ready for the 2012 elections; and, a more knowledgeable public on voter issues. It is evident that this project contributed towards these results and to the more positive outcome of the 2012 electoral process when compared to the situation in 2008. The project started early when no one else was working on these issues, and it was a sizeable project for the sector. However, the extent of the project’s reach and its actual impact is unknown.

The project sought to strengthen the electoral system and civic participation in Mongolia by raising the level of voter education and public awareness on democratic institutions and processes. Its main objectives were: to prepare a voter education high school curriculum; establish a network of volunteers able to train on voters rights issues; improve the skills of key officials involved with elections; and implement a public awareness campaign for voters for the elections in 2012. Its intended outcomes were to have its voter education curriculum adopted by the Ministry of Education as part of the national school curriculum; trained observers and officials ready for the 2012 elections; and, a more knowledgeable public on voter issues. It is evident that this project contributed towards these results and to the more positive outcome of the 2012 electoral process when compared to the situation in 2008. The project started early when no one else was working on these issues, and it was a sizeable project for the sector. However, the extent of the project’s reach and its actual impact is unknown.

The project had two primary audiences: Roma women’s NGOs and young Roma women activists. There were three additional audiences: local government officials; young people, Roma and non-Roma; and, officials of Roma political parties. This focus sought to address in a practical way the weakness of Roma civil society organizations, and particularly those led by, and working for, Roma women, in undertaking advocacy on behalf of their own people. The grantee accomplished a great deal with the small amount of funds provided. It built on the strategic plan developed for 2008-2010, and its earlier project “Implementation of CEDAW for Romani Women”, as well as follow-up initiatives (2005-2008). Through an extremely careful allocation of funds to different areas of activity, the organization was able to undertake a long list of activities and, thus, achieve its own objective. Yet, from an external perspective, it is apparent that there were insufficient funds for some activities, where follow-up was badly needed.

The project aimed to build capacity of local media in Sierra Leone to facilitate a national dialogue among civil society, government and citizens. It targeted primary beneficiaries that included: journalists from radio and print media who were awarded fellowships and trained in investigative journalism through production and publishing human right stories; NGO grantees; and local communities targeted through forums and workshops to increase public knowledge on the role of the media in human rights protection and promotion. The project responded to a need for improved democratic dialogue, and correctly identified the need for enhanced democratic debate as a precondition for entrenching democratic values and policies in post-war Sierra Leone. It also correctly identified the media as a key player, both as a space to “host” that debate and as a provider of substantive information. However the project's relevance was reduced by its failure formally to engage with editors/publishers and with relevant high-level institutional actors. The project document lacked a complete analysis of the stakeholders, their respective needs and the various messages that should be addressed to them. Nevertheless, the project contributed to establishing a critical mass of journalists aware of human rights reporting and of the challenges of balanced political reporting.

The project aimed to build capacity of local media in Sierra Leone to facilitate a national dialogue among civil society, government and citizens. It targeted primary beneficiaries that included: journalists from radio and print media who were awarded fellowships and trained in investigative journalism through production and publishing human right stories; NGO grantees; and local communities targeted through forums and workshops to increase public knowledge on the role of the media in human rights protection and promotion. The project responded to a need for improved democratic dialogue, and correctly identified the need for enhanced democratic debate as a precondition for entrenching democratic values and policies in post-war Sierra Leone. It also correctly identified the media as a key player, both as a space to “host” that debate and as a provider of substantive information. However the project's relevance was reduced by its failure formally to engage with editors/publishers and with relevant high-level institutional actors. The project document lacked a complete analysis of the stakeholders, their respective needs and the various messages that should be addressed to them. Nevertheless, the project contributed to establishing a critical mass of journalists aware of human rights reporting and of the challenges of balanced political reporting.

The project sought to strengthen university students and youth Civil Society Organization (CSO) leaders for active and democratic citizenship and community development. It aimed to do this by: improving their capacity and raising their awareness of participation in democratic processes and community development; increasing emerging leader (EL) representation in existing political and civil society institutions; and developing and strengthening existing networks to build alliances of youth-led and youth-directed CSOs for more effective programming and sustained participation. The project also intended to increase the awareness of CSO and local leaders on the value of youth involvement. The project reached youth across Jordan and from very different socio-economic conditions and the activities reflected the needs and interests of its participants and their locality. Addressing both the supply and demand side of the youth issue seemed to be effective. Participating youth seemed empowered by their training and the use of sub-grants to CSOs opened the door for youth participation.