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The project improved the awareness of Union Parishad (UP, local government) decision makers about participatory democracy and their attitudes towards basic human rights. It also established participation mechanisms for the local population (Ward Shavas) and groups (Standing Committees) representing their interests. The visibly high degree of commitment among UP chairs to advocate for decentralization impressed the evaluators. Trainee assessments evidenced successful clarification of the roles and responsibilities of Standing Committee members. Ward Shavas not only provided grass-roots input to the annual budget and the five-year planning process, but led also to the posting of citizen charter displays in all ten Unions supported by the project. Given this success, it will be appropriate to investigate long-term options introducing enhanced cooperation in local governance to a wider circle of beneficiaries. For such purpose it would be necessary to improve the existing qualitative evidence of case studies of the project beneficiaries’ achievements, and to actively disseminate it to facilitate efficient replication for the benefit of sustainability elsewhere.

The project aimed to address the problem of weak local civil society organizations [CSOs] and the general lack of collaboration between private and public development stakeholders in Yemen. Specifically, the project sought to improve the capacity of local CSOs and strengthen partnerships between local CSOs and the government at the local and national levels in order to effectively address emergencies and respond to humanitarian situations. The project was implemented in four governorates of Yemen (Sana’a, Aden, Hadramawt and Hudaydah ) and in three pilot pilot districts (Ghayl Ba Wazir in Hadramawt, Al Boreqah in Aden, and Al Mansuriyah in Hudaydah), while advocacy at national level was conducted with the authorities in Sana’a. The project was very relevant, in that it identified genuine needs at community level and in terms of civil society capacity building and took a two-pronged approach (that was appropriate to the situation in Yemen. The project could not have anticipated the near-failure of central government that Yemen has experienced since 2014. However the project strategy of working with local authorities and civil society stakeholders at community level was relevant to the reinforcement of local governance, irrespective of the national political situation. Some significant groundwork has been carried out in this respect, which may bear fruit if a functional government is re-established.

The project succeeded in meeting its targets in its final phase, including the development of 20 proposals and petitions by young migrant workers and CSOs working with them, concerning desired improvements in working and living conditions. Of these, eight described practical initiatives or small projects. Each of the eight was awarded a small grant to implement the plans proposed. While some students gained valuable experience, many of those involved lacked the commitment to taking an active role in support of the young migrant workers. Further, the role assigned to the students in “assisting young migrant workers using social media” was vague, and they lacked guidance on what to do and how to do it. In addition, the students, as well as the academic coordinators and the CSO representatives interviewed, all commented on the wide social gap between students and the young workers, which made communication difficult.

Involving women and youth CSOs in strengthening democratic debate and public news media around elections in Afghanistan sought to strengthen the voice of civil society and foster sustainable democratic practices within Afghanistan by generating a deeper public debate among women and youth groups around the 2014 presidential electoral process. The project lost relevance however in implementation. Only a few activities were done in the pre-electoral period and only a portion of the intended CSO-journalist elements were done. In addition, the predominate use of Pashto in the round tables and reporting, narrowed its relevance to the two-thirds of the country that use Dari.

Involving women and youth CSOs in strengthening democratic debate and public news media around elections in Afghanistan sought to strengthen the voice of civil society and foster sustainable democratic practices within Afghanistan by generating a deeper public debate among women and youth groups around the 2014 presidential electoral process. The project lost relevance however in implementation. Only a few activities were done in the pre-electoral period and only a portion of the intended CSO-journalist elements were done. In addition, the predominate use of Pashto in the round tables and reporting, narrowed its relevance to the two-thirds of the country that use Dari.

The project’s objective was to reinforce the political participation of former slaves, by promoting the equality of rights between former slaves (Harratines) and former masters (Bydhanes) in order to maintain inter-community peace in the region of Hoch El Gharbi, desert areas located in the South-East of Mauritania. The project was implemented in 40 villages including 120 Adwabas (isolated areas populated by former slaves), and focused on Harratines’ literacy, civic education, community capacity building and inter-community dialogue between them and the Bydhanes. Various factors that remained unaddressed limited the project’s relevance: including attitudes towards slavery and lack of engagement from authorities on this issue. In addition the Harratines do not have the operational and institutional capacity to represent their own interests in the political arena.

The objective of the project was to reinforce the capacities of Arab citizen journalists and bloggers in relation to the promotion and protection of human rights. The project was relevant as a human rights education activity, to the extent it responded to the fact that the targeted bloggers and journalists were not always familiar with the human rights principles and the international procedures for the protection of human rights. The project activities led to the acquisition of new skills by the participants which contributed to changes in the way they have carried out their blogging and journalistic work after the training sessions. It is of course not clear that the participants’ work has influenced the wider public. However, comments posted by readers suggest that some of the participants were able to encourage tolerant attitudes among their readers, for example in relation to gender equality or in debates about democracy.

The project aimed to contribute to the judiciary reform process in Guinea through establishing a new social contract on justice linking CSOs, magistrates and auxiliaries of justice. Strategically, the project was based on two outcome components, to support increased capacity for advocacy, monitoring and judicial oversight, and enhanced capacity for dialogue and collaboration between civil society and the judiciary on ways to improve the judicial system in order for it to become more responsive to the needs of civil society. This strategic approach appropriate for the limited scope of the project; its key points of strength were the acknowledgement that training was a first step before the setting up a platform for dialogue and the inclusion of a mini-grant scheme. The project was ambitious but realistic. However, the methodology did not include a mechanism to replicate project experiences beyond the target areas of Conakry and Kankan - the most important judicial districts in Guinea - once the project ended.

The overall goal of the project was to improve governance in Papua, Indonesia. Specifically, it focused on developing and implementing a practical strategy to build a forum for civil society organizations where civil society could develop skills in social accountability and promote accountability and transparency of the provincial and city governments. Given the deep suspicion of civil society on the part of government in Papua, the intention of the project was to establish the CSO Forum as a legitimate body in the eyes of both decision-makers and the public. Training was provided to all stakeholders – including government officials and a series of dialogue sessions was also organized. However, gaps in the initial baseline analysis and stakeholder consultations, along with a decision to implement the project without a local partner, reduced the project’s relevance to the Papuan context and the needs of beneficiaries. Eight visits to Papua over a two-year period by members of the Jakarta-based project team limited opportunities for contact between the visiting team and beneficiaries, and a lack of continuity across activities restricted what the project was able to accomplish.

The project worked to help women district councillors acquire knowledge and to push the equality agenda with policy makers. The project’s advocacy activities led to improved gender-sensitive service delivery, as the local government budgeted for enhanced services for women and girls. In September 2016, two years after the end of the project, the Government announced that gender sensitive indicators will be used to ensure that all sectors adhere to gender equality in decision making and service delivery in the country.. Visibly empowered district and sub-county councillors expressed with pride their new influence on the gender-sensitive application of laws, policies and local budgets. Former women MP trainees proudly cooperated across party lines on priority issues of the Ugandan women in parliamentary committees. The approach of putting in place a monitoring system that was run by Village Budget Clubs (VBCs) and district councillors alike was appropriate. The project’s training methodology ensured the transfer of necessary skills such as gender-sensitive analysis, budgeting, caucusing, lobbying and advocacy.