impact

The project tackled the issue of women’s political participation from a broader, more inclusive perspective, moving beyond the national level to analyze developments in the provinces and municipalities. This approach responded to the unmet needs and challenges of the Argentine context, and led to greater equality in real terms and improved women’s participation in society and politics at the local level. The project strategy focused on consolidating and advancing a new view and understanding of the essential role of women leaders in social and policy-making bodies in Argentina. It pursued two main objectives: (a) to promote women’s leadership in civil society by identifying and sharing relevant experiences in leadership-building with this group at the local level; and (b) to provide tools for improving women leaders’ ability to promote the issues on their agenda through advocacy with national and local government agencies.  At the technical and institutional levels, the project yielded results that will support the continuity and replication of its initiatives.

The project’s overall objective was to increase the effectiveness of procurement monitoring by non-state actors following the Public Procurement Act (PPA) 2007 in Nigeria. The project was built on a thorough analysis of the current situation regarding government procurement and mechanisms for monitoring and reporting on the process. The publication of two carefully researched annual assessment reports on the state of public procurement and stakeholder knowledge of PPA requirements proved effective for connecting public procurement and integrity in governance. The development of new tools for training of trainers in procurement monitoring and the training of 33 monitors were also valuable. Efforts to work closely with the legislature began well. However, the 2011 Parliamentary Elections brought about a wholesale change in the membership of both houses of the National Assembly. The leading champions of reform in regard to public procurement were defeated, and there was no longer an interest among elected members in working closely with PPDC, although a positive working relationship was established with the parliamentary secretariat.

The project sought to strengthen the collective voice and action of civil society in the Mexican states of Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. The focus was on increasing the ability of local CSOs and women, indigenous groups and youth to demand equitable and quality public education and healthcare services through strengthening the ability of CSOs to train, inform, and raise awareness of these rights, and giving opportunities for them to advocate for these services as a basic human right. The use of local level CSOs was an effective approach to implement community-based activities, but the lack of an integrated programme between the states and national level limited its usefulness and potential impact. The use of a diagnostic to develop training and an agenda for action was a good technique, but required more focus on issues of voice and civic participation which were the main objectives of the project. The project strengthened advocacy efforts for more equitable health and education services in its targeted areas in Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. In particular, it increased individual knowledge, capacity and leadership among participating CSOs and community members. However, the extent of results is unknown due to the lack of outcome data. Changes are likely to be sustainable at the level of personal empowerment and relationships built with some public officials and the agenda provides CSOs with some of the key health and education issues to raise with officials in the future.

The project sought to strengthen the collective voice and action of civil society in the Mexican states of Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. The focus was on increasing the ability of local CSOs and women, indigenous groups and youth to demand equitable and quality public education and healthcare services through strengthening the ability of CSOs to train, inform, and raise awareness of these rights, and giving opportunities for them to advocate for these services as a basic human right. The use of local level CSOs was an effective approach to implement community-based activities, but the lack of an integrated programme between the states and national level limited its usefulness and potential impact. The use of a diagnostic to develop training and an agenda for action was a good technique, but required more focus on issues of voice and civic participation which were the main objectives of the project. The project strengthened advocacy efforts for more equitable health and education services in its targeted areas in Chiapas, Hidalgo and Guerrero. In particular, it increased individual knowledge, capacity and leadership among participating CSOs and community members. However, the extent of results is unknown due to the lack of outcome data. Changes are likely to be sustainable at the level of personal empowerment and relationships built with some public officials and the agenda provides CSOs with some of the key health and education issues to raise with officials in the future.

This project aimed to improve the situation of Nepal's historically marginalized and indigenous Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi groups. The project was undertaken to correspond with the schedule of the country's Constituent Assembly (CA), which was entrusted with the development of a new constitution for Nepal. It developed coalitions among the country's marginalized groups, in order to increase receptiveness of political parties to Dalit and indigenous issues and to reflect them in the new constitution. The grantee made a deliberate effort to provide the marginalized group representatives and those involved in the drafting of the constitution high quality information about issues related to constitutional processes and examples of federalist practice in other countries. Although the Constituent Assembly dissolved without completing its mission, the extent to which the alternative constitution, the project's central output, has contributed to preliminary constitutional drafts of the Constituent Assembly‘s thematic committees demonstrate the project's impact.

The project sought to address a gap in Mozambique’s political life - the low level of women’s participation - by focusing on enhancing the position of women elected representatives in Provincial and Municipal Assemblies, while also nurturing the constituencies of women at community level and bringing the two groups together. In focusing its operations in two Northern provinces, the two principal project implementing partners were able to draw on their prior experience of working there. Yet, despite the local knowledge available to the two partners, the project design failed to take adequate account of local characteristics and underestimated the risks to project implementation. The project strategy was built on some unwarrantable assumptions. Adjustments were made to planned operations, including a broadening of the beneficiary groups, to involve men as well as women, and recognition of the need to involve the Executive as well as the Assembly representatives in activities. Yet, despite this, initial design problems had a significant impact on the feasibility of achieving anticipated results within the project timeframe.

The goal of the project was to increase and strengthen political participation and citizenship among women within democratically elected institutions before, during, and after the election process of 2010. The underlying idea was to make use of this election period as a timeframe allowing for public debate in order to raise awareness among influential parties, such as the media and women leaders, of their rights in order to better know and to assert these rights by creating a National Forum.

The project had two primary audiences: Roma women’s NGOs and young Roma women activists. There were three additional audiences: local government officials; young people, Roma and non-Roma; and, officials of Roma political parties. This focus sought to address in a practical way the weakness of Roma civil society organizations, and particularly those led by, and working for, Roma women, in undertaking advocacy on behalf of their own people. The grantee accomplished a great deal with the small amount of funds provided. It built on the strategic plan developed for 2008-2010, and its earlier project “Implementation of CEDAW for Romani Women”, as well as follow-up initiatives (2005-2008). Through an extremely careful allocation of funds to different areas of activity, the organization was able to undertake a long list of activities and, thus, achieve its own objective. Yet, from an external perspective, it is apparent that there were insufficient funds for some activities, where follow-up was badly needed.

The project sought to strengthen the electoral system and civic participation in Mongolia by raising the level of voter education and public awareness on democratic institutions and processes. Its main objectives were: to prepare a voter education high school curriculum; establish a network of volunteers able to train on voters rights issues; improve the skills of key officials involved with elections; and implement a public awareness campaign for voters for the elections in 2012. Its intended outcomes were to have its voter education curriculum adopted by the Ministry of Education as part of the national school curriculum; trained observers and officials ready for the 2012 elections; and, a more knowledgeable public on voter issues. It is evident that this project contributed towards these results and to the more positive outcome of the 2012 electoral process when compared to the situation in 2008. The project started early when no one else was working on these issues, and it was a sizeable project for the sector. However, the extent of the project’s reach and its actual impact is unknown.

In recent decades, virtually every African country has at some point considered modernizing voter registration technology. New ICT applications have been adopted in many African countries, particularly in post-conflict situations. The project was based on a sound strategy that clearly identified the institutional weaknesses in voter registration models. In selecting partner countries, geographic balance, a variety of political contexts, linguistic diversity, and different levels of technical knowledge were sought. The project’s aim was to generate knowledge and disseminate it among experts and institutional stakeholders. However, the link between knowledge, capacity, and the actual election process, which depends primarily on political will, was not explicitly established in the project design, nor was it incorporated as such in the project strategy. All project activities were successfully implemented and even delivered beyond expectations. The project management team developed a strong organizational and logistical support mechanism to guarantee smooth operation of the database and provided easy and immediate access to it. The project had a number of positive impacts, including ongoing in-depth discussions of voter registration reforms.